Teenage pregnancy journals
11); 2007 may s:article | pubreader | epub (beta) | pdf (106k) | american journal of microsite search american journal of the johns hopkins bloomberg school of public ls career ising and corporate -archiving american journal of mobile search als and of teenage pregnancy on educational disabilities in a v. The association of young maternal age and long-term morbidity is usually confounded, however, by the high prevalence of poverty, low level of education, and single marital status among teenage mothers. The authors assess the independent effect of teenage pregnancy on educational disabilities and educational problems in a total population of children who entered kindergarten in florida in 1992–1994 and investigate how controlling for potentially confounding factors affects the relation between teenage pregnancies and poor outcome. When no other factors are taken into account, children of teenage mothers have significantly higher odds of placement in certain special education classes and significantly higher occurrence of milder education problems, but when maternal education, marital status, poverty level, and race are controlled, the detrimental effects disappear and even some protective effects are observed. Hence, the increased risk for educational problems and disabilities among children of teenage mothers is attributed not to the effect of young age but to the confounding influences of associated sociodemographic factors. In contrast to teen age, older maternal age has an adverse effect on a child's educational outcome regardless of whether other factors are controlled for or development, education, special, logistic models, morbidity, pregnancy in adolescence, socioeconomic factorseh, emotionally handicapped, emh, educable mentally handicapped, iq, intelligence quotient, ld, learning disabled, pi, physically impaired, pmh, profoundly mentally handicapped, tmh, trainable mentally handicappedteenage pregnancy has long been identified as a risk factor for adverse perinatal and long-term outcomes (1). The occurrence of low birth weight has been observed to be much higher among children of teenage mothers than among children of women beyond adolescence (1–11), and giving birth during the teen years has been found to be associated with a higher risk of prematurity (2, 9, 12). The large sample size (more than 300,000 records) allowed us to control several important confounders by using multivariable models and to study the effect of maternal teenage on rare previous studies that focus on the long-term outcomes of children use as their outcome measure scores on tests of academic achievement, neurologic functioning, and teacher and parent reports.
We fit a variety of models to assess the confounding influences of risk factors for educational problems and investigate the effect of maternal age among subpopulations of teenage mothers. Maternal age was a four-category variable with a young teenage group (ages 11–17 years), a late teenage group (ages 18–19 years), older mothers (age ≥ 36 years), and mid-age mothers (ages 20–35 years). A few perinatal variables were also considered: birth weight, a seven-category variable (450–749, 750–999, 1,000–1,499, 1,500–2,499, 2,500–2,999, 3,000–4,749, and 4,750–6,049 g), congenital anomaly, complications of labor, and prenatal care were yes or no variables, and previous pregnancy experience was defined as previous failed pregnancies, no previous pregnancy, or one or more previous, successful pregnancies with no failures. The odds ratios for older age in the complete multivariable model were not significantly different from those in the univariable model, so the decisions were based only on the estimates for the maternal teenage categories. The patterns were consistent for all outcomes in both teenage groups (odds ratios changed in the same direction). A limitation of the current strategy is that the relative importance of a predictor depends on the other predictors present in the e of a lack of sufficient variability in education within the maternal teenage categories, it was difficult to separate the effect of age from that of education in these groups. To check whether there was an age effect in the youngest teenage group, we performed an additional analysis in which we considered only children of mothers aged 11–17 years with less than a high school education who were unmarried and poor. This analysis addresses the question of whether there is a detrimental effect of younger age for the most typical teenagers.
The standardized percentages for placement in the various special education categories and in the academic problems category for both teenage groups tend to be lower than the corresponding raw percentages. Hence, there is some evidence that a large number of children of teenage mothers show disabilities or academic problems not because of the effect of having a teenage mother per se but because of the confounding influences of other factors. When no other factors were taken into account, children of mothers in both teenage groups were found to be at a significantly increased risk for emh, pmh, eh, and academic problems. The odds were about twice as high for emh, pmh, and eh for the younger teenagers (odds ratio = 2. However, when all of the other factors were included in the model, the only significant odds ratios were smaller than one, and hence, maternal teenage appeared to have some protective effects. Pi, physically impaired; si, sensory impaired; pmh, profoundly mentally handicapped; tmh, trainable mentally handicapped; emh, educable mentally handicapped; ld, learning disabled; eh, emotionally handicapped; ap, academic largeto investigate which of the sociodemographic predictors were the strongest confounders of the relation between birth to a teenager and educational placement, we deleted factors from the main effects model with all sociodemographic predictors and compared the estimated generalized odds ratios. Children of teenage mothers are less likely to have older siblings and may get more attention at home than do children of older mothers (19). Of the complete confounding present in the youngest teenage group between maternal education and maternal teen age (no mothers with more than a high school education were available in this age group), it is impossible to separate the effects of maternal age and maternal education for children of mothers aged 11–17 years.
Among young teenagers aged 11–17 years, being younger by 1 year led to a significant increase of about 44 percent in the odds for placement in the eh group and of about 24 percent in the odds for placement in emh group. In all other cross-classifications of sociodemographic factors, the age effect was either not estimable or not lized odds ratios for the effects of a 1-year decrease in maternal age on educational outcomes among subpopulations of teenagers, florida,1992–1994† subpopulation educational placement pi‡ si‡ pmh‡ tmh‡ emh‡ ld‡ eh‡ ap‡ age 11–17 years, less than high school education, unmarried, poor (n = 12,430) or‡ 0. The odds ratios estimate the effect of a 1-year decrease in maternal age among young teenagers aged 11–17 years. Our findings concerning educational disabilities are consistent with results from previous studies on children's educational achievement that adverse consequences of teenage childbearing appear to be due to social and economic origins rather than to the effects of young age per se (14, 16, 22, 23, 25). Fortunately, sociodemographic factors such as maternal education are remedial, and intervention programs targeted at teenage mothers have been shown to ameliorate some of the negative consequences of teenage parenting (33). These findings underscore the importance and value of high school graduation programs for teenage teen age, older maternal age was found to be a risk factor for certain types of educational disabilities regardless of whether other risk factors were controlled. A number of studies (13, 14, 16, 18, 22) attribute lower cognitive scores (corresponding to the categories ld and academic problems) among children of teenagers to decreased vocalization and poor parenting e of the lack of information on the sociodemographic status of the mothers on the kindergarten records, almost all predictor variables considered were measured at birth. The risk for educational problems for a child whose teenage mother completed high school after the child's birth is likely to be smaller than that for a child whose teenage mother did not advance her education after the birth; yet both cases are treated the same way in our sample.
The restriction of the study sample to only young teenagers with less than a high school education who were unmarried and poor and the treatment of maternal age as a continuous variable allowed us to assess the independent effect of age on the outcome within the subpopulation of most typical teenage mothers. A more plausible explanation is that children of younger teenagers are at a disadvantage because of environmental conclusion, children of teenage mothers are at a higher risk for disabilities in kindergarten, but this increased risk appears to be due not to a biological effect of the young age of the mother per se but to the confounding influences of associated sociodemographic and/or environmental factors. Prevention of teenage pregnancies should continue to be an important public policy goal, and programs should target teenage mothers to ameliorate the effects of more important predictors such as low maternal education, single marital status, poverty, and minority race that are likely to continue to place the children of teenage mothers at risk for adverse outcomes after birth. Maternal youth and pregnancy outcomes: middle school versus high school age groups compared with women beyond the teen years. Institute, college of social sciences and philosophy, university of the philippines, diliman, quezon 28, no 1 (2013) > e pregnancy in the philippines:Trends, correlates and data tion institute, college of social sciences and philosophy, university of the philippines, diliman, quezon na n. These teenage mothers are predominantly poor, reside in rural areas and have low educational attainment. However, this paper observes of increasing proportions of teenagers who are not poor, who have better education and are residents of urban areas, who have begun their teens. Among the factors that could help explain this trend are the younger age at menarche, premarital sexual activity at a young age, in cohabiting unions in this age group and the possible decrease in the stigma of out-of-wedlock words: teenage pregnancy, early childbearing, age at ’s age-specific fertility rates[*] follow a characteristic pattern.
Other observed complications more prevalent among older mothers compared to mothers in their twenties are preeclampsia, gestational hypertension, cesarean delivery, ta and preterm rly, when the woman is at the younger extreme of the reproductive age spectrum, below 20 years, pregnancy carries the same elevated risk of es. Many studies consistently show that teenage mothers are at increased risk of pre-term delivery and low birth a large data base of births in the latin american center for perinatology and human development in uruguay, it was found that after adjusting confounding factors, women age 15 and younger were at increased risk for maternal death, early neonatal death and anemia compared with women age. The same elevated risks for teenage pregnancies, independent of known nders like low socioeconomic status, inadequate prenatal care and inadequate weight gain during pregnancy were documented using data from the. The risks follow an age gradient; they are generally higher at the younger end of the teenage years and diminish toward the latter e pregnancy carries other significant non-health risks which are specific to this stage in the life example, when a teenager bears a child and consequently either marries formally or enters into a consensual union, she puts herself at risk of ing her of limiting her chances of realizing her full potential by being burdened with child care when she herself is still, almost a child. If the s unmarried following a pregnancy, she risks social stigma from having an out-of-wedlock pregnancy and of having to bear its negative the aggregate level, a high teenage pregnancy rate contributes to high population growth as teenage mothers will have considerably longer exposure risk of pregnancy than those who enter into marital unions at a later e pregnancy has two aspects, and both could occur concurrently within the same country, whether developed or developing. On the one hand, e pregnancy rates may result from the culturally sanctioned practice of early marriage and early marital childbearing, and on the other, ital intercourse and unintended pregnancy. This is more often true in urban than in rural onally, a downward trend in the age at menarche in both developed and developing countries has been reported in a number of and kiragu (1998) in their review report a connection between age of onset of sexual activity or age at first birth and age at menarche resulting r onset of childbearing for the current generation of teenagers compared with earlier e of the increased risks to both mother and child of too early childbearing, there is a need to understand the situation on teenage pregnancy in y in order to design appropriate interventions. But obtaining reliable and valid data for analysis is not always easy, especially in a paper consists of two parts: the first discusses data sources for the study of teenage pregnancy in general; the second part presents trends e pregnancy in the philippines, some correlates and an analysis of the drivers for the observed trend using a specific data source.
With a common and questionnaire adopted throughout all the surveys in the series, ndhs data lends itself well to the analysis of long term trends in ncy in the s of data on teenage al-based for the study of levels, trends, determinants and consequences of teenage pregnancy are usually derived from varied sources and using a wide range collection methods. For example, completed charts on births occurring in a hospital over a given period can be the source ation for studying pregnancy outcomes, as these will normally contain basic demographic information: the mother’s age, the pregnancy order tor variables and factors like maternal complications, placental complications, medications administered in hospital and neonatal outcomes as tors. The advantage of these data sets is that they provide reliable and valid reports on the pregnancy outcomes under study lly accepted diagnostic criteria and are not based on the teenage mother’s self-report. As a for determining the total number of teenage pregnancies, hospital-based records are not reliable as these cover only hospital-based births. In ping countries, majority of births occur in non-hospital determine the level of teenage pregnancy in a given country, one potential data source is the vital registration system, which collects vital as births, death and marriages in the population. The vital registration system is an ideal way to capture of teenage pregnancy year-on-year because it is a continuing record of births as they occur. The ly accepted alternative source of data for estimating teenage pregnancy and investigating its correlates are nationally representative surveys in the reproductive years (15-49), extracting the relevant data for women aged 15-19 in the sample. 23 in the field of survey research on fertility at all ages including the teenage years, the demographic and health surveys (dhs) program funded by usaid and implemented by orc- macro has been the gold data are publicly available and easily downloadable hence are commonly used in many cross-country comparisons.
In the philippines, the aphic and health survey (ndhs) seriesis the major data source on long-term trends in teenage pregnancy and its determinants. The ndhs follows a standard protocol for obtaining informed survey the succeeding analysis of teenage pregnancy in the philippines, we use mainly the ndhs survey results from various survey dates. Other data sources on correlates of teenage pregnancy cited in this paper are the young adult fertility and sexuality surveys of. Since 2006, the fps has incorporated a history for measuring fertility and infant child mortality and a special module to collect information for estimating maternal e pregnancy in the data from both the ndhs series and the 2011 fhs supports findings of other studies from other countries about the elevated risk of early among teenage mothers (table 1). Teenage mothers also compare poorly with mothers from the older age groups in a number of reproductive health indicators. Ered births in 2008 increased by 2% from the previous year’s 1,749,878 births while births to teenage mothers increased by 7. Assuming the same level of underreporting for teenage births as for total births, a comparison of the percent increase of total births and births e mothers suggests that fertility has a faster pace in the youngest reproductive get further insight into how the fertility at the youngest reproductive age group compares with that of later years, figure 3 shows the long-term fertility rates at three age groups, the youngest (15-19), the peak reproductive years (25-29) and the oldest reproductive group (45-49) over a here to download figure 3. Overall, the picture presented in this figure is that the proportion of teenagers who have who have begun childbearing is higher in.
Thus by this measure, we can conclude that indeed more women are getting pregnant or have become mothers in their teens nowadays than past and that the picture depicted by the age-specific fertility rate is a misleading one when describing the trend in teenage here to download figure 5. Three factors are usually cited as sources of variability in teenage pregnancy rates in any population. Percent who have begun childbearing by rural-urban residence, 1993 to 2008 educational attainment (figure 7) there is a clear education gradient in early childbearing but while teenagers with elementary level schooling have t proportions who have become mothers, the trend shows no consistent pattern of increase through the years. Comparing the 2003 and 2008 data it appears that ence of early childbearing did not change much for women from a high prevalence level in the two lowest quintiles (in fact it decreased among t teenagers) but definitely increased for the higher quintiles (3rd, 4th and 5th). Not only has the percentage who have become mothers in their teens been increasing, but the composition of these teenage mothers changing. The transition has moved from being mostly rural, poor and with the lowest educational attainment toward an increasing proportion of nts, better educated and those from the middle to the richest socioeconomic groups have likewise commenced childbearing in the teenage could be driving this trend of early childbearing among all groups in society? As stated earlier, this could be a result of early marriage or ital sexual activity leading to pregnancy or to both. Marital status of women aged 15-19, 1993 to 2008 9 shows that from the 1993 ndhs, 92 percent of teenagers were never married.
Pregnancy resulting from premarital sexual activity to the decision to begin cohabitation but not necessarily to a formalized marital union. Corroborating evidence for this shift toward ity among teenage women is found in the vital statistics report of the national statistics office which states that in 2008 “majority (79. Since yafs was conducted more than a decade ago, presumptive changes in prevalent sexual behaviors and practices of may have undoubtedly contributed to the increasing proportion of teenage girls becoming mothers at a very early r contributory factor to the increasing prevalence of early childbearing is the decreasing age at menarche, a development that is ed in the literature as occurring in countries that have experienced significant improvements in living conditions and the nutritional status children. This trend in consistent with ed in the literature about the deceasing trends in the age at menarche in other developed and developing l, the findings in this paper from the analysis of the philippines’ national demographic and health survey series over a number of years, findings from the family health survey, corroborates that more teenagers now are getting pregnant compared to earlier cohorts. Although there ences amongst groups, the increasing prevalence of early childbearing is observed in all socioeconomic classes, all levels of education and in and rural e pregnancy exposes both mother and child to many health and other risks, both and there is need to further study how to mitigate its effects or reverse the trend. While early childbearing has increased among the non-poor, the better educated and residents of urban areas, teenage pregnancy is still among the poor, those with lower education and rural residents. Interventions designed to help reverse the trend should be tailored to stances leading to early pregnancy that may be specific to these subgroups. The timing of school-based interventions such as sexuality education should be mindful of the finding that teenage pregnancy is highest among those least education, specifically those with elementary or lower educational attainment.
Teenage mothers have the lowest birth intervals (median of less than 24 months) and expose any more babies to greater risks if a subsequent pregnancy is not prevented. Further studies should investigate barriers to the use of contraception among currently married teenagers as answers are available from either the ndhs or the fhs. Hospital-based prospective and retrospective studies to study the adverse outcomes of early pregnancy and childbirth on the mother and her baby other age groups are needed to better understand the specific health risks in the philippine setting. Findings of these studies will be an for intervention programs not only for the teenagers themselves, but also for health providers who will be involved in the delivery of services for. Kenny lc, lavender t, mcnamee r, o'neill sm, mills t et ed maternal age and adverse pregnancy outcome: evidence from a large . Teenage pregnancy and risk of adverse perinatal outcomes associated with first and second births: population pective control study. Adolescence as risk factor for adverse pregnancy outcome in central africa - a fross-sectional study. All authors are required to submit authorship certifications that the manuscript has been read and approved by all authors, and that the requirements for authorship have been met by each e pregnancy in the philippines:Trends, correlates and data tion institute, college of social sciences and philosophy, university of the philippines, diliman, quezon na n.