Questionnaire based on teenage pregnancy

See our privacy policy and user agreement for studies sba template on teenage this document? Related slideshares at studies sba template on teenage ine ferdinand, teacher, political activist, cadet st. Martins hed on nov 17, studies sba, teenage pregnancy, caribean teenage you sure you want message goes you sure you want message goes t at heart vocational training and you sure you want message goes you sure you want message goes you sure you want message goes a love boo is helping me alot you sure you want message goes studies sba template on teenage e pregnancy in ate’s number: t community . During the past few years,There has been an ongoing observation of see many young teenage mothers being pregnant around the area of lowmans. There are many reasons of the causation of teenage they are mainly (1) socio-economic factors (2) lack of discipline and control (3) behaviour and (4) psychological factors:. Observation of the situation in the main factor that influenced the conduct of this title of this study is “a survey of the causes of teenage pregnancy in lowmans” a sub urban district found in the country of saint vincent and the grenadines comprising l villages and consist of over 1500 r, the growing problem of teenage pregnancy in lowmans is a major cause for concern . Further more in enables me in dge and understanding on the causes of teenage pregnancy and can further help me as in how i approach or see the situation in the future years to come. Government organizations such as the ministry sation and youths, the social welfare and marion house and other persons who ed in fighting teenage pregnancy could also use my study to understand the causation e pregnancy. The study can also be used to develop plans and strategies to eradicate an effort to understand the causes of teenage pregnancy in lowmans, a number s were examined. In order for one to examine the causation of teenage pregnancy, gh assessment and comprehensive narrative needs to be done as to further understand s for the escalating teenage pregnancy problem in ing to world health organization (2008) about 16 million women 15–19 years old each year, about 11% of all births -five per cent of these births occur in low- and middle-income countries. Lindsay blank (2005) in her book teenage pregnancy prevention initiatives in new ities said that “teenage pregnancy is very visible when it happens but the reductions visible and so long as there is one problem family/group of youths etc perception be that there are serious problems with youth and that nothing is being done about g with teenage pregnancy is a difficult issue because of a lack of public mandate and n about reducing teenage pregnancy rates. Teenage pregnancy is a result of s including lack of education, poor perceived outlook and ingrained local culture”. There is a significant inequality in teenage pregnancies, and a tenfold increase in ncy rates between the lowest and highest social classes. Teenage pregnancy is ated with poor educational achievement, which again is greater in ourhoods children of teenage mothers are more likely to have the experience of being parent and are generally at increased risk of living in poverty, poor housing and nutrition(teenage pregnancy and parenthood: health development agency, 2003). The study will collect data nts of lowmans saint vincent on the causes of teenage pregnancy and how it affects ity. Applied research using quantitative methods is an appropriate method of causes of teenage pregnancy in lowmans because no qualitative data exists on the issue views of the residents are essential in determining the effects of teenage pregnancy in of data method of data collection chosen is printed questionnaires. A questionnaire is a set of preset questions given to persons who make up the population of the study. It is fairly easy bute and generalizations can also be made based on the data collected and applied in to residents of lowmans and other small villages in saint vincent. The questionnaires were distributed nts in lowmans and the respondents were given three (3) days to complete onnaires and return them to the researcher.

Research questionnaire on teenage pregnancy

Descriptive statistics will also in analyzing and presenting the tation of do you think teenagers become pregnant? It because of: (a) peer pressure (b) drug abuse (c) ignorance (d) curiosity (e) column chart shows what dents think are the you think that parents or guardians are to be blamed for teenage pregnancy? Showing who the e is responsible for what age group do you think teenage pregnancy is most common? Cone chart showing the age teenage pregnancy is retation of figure one the column chart was used to present the reasons why teenagers become the ten persons that answered this question on the questionnaire, nine or 90% which is t figure, stated that peer pressure is the main or major reason why teenagers nt. In , sex is like a word that is normal to them and by the influence of friends that are they’re stupid to be virgins and having sex would make them feel like adults they the young one’s now try to fulfil and blend in with their peers by wanting to try it for the first because of their inexperience they become figure two, the cylinder bar shows that it shows that over 80% of the respondents thinks s and guardians is responsible for teenage pregnancy for they sometimes tend to let en or child to do their own thing and also some parents may be facing both social ial issues that they may send their daughter to a guy that is financially well to have him and in return he provides for the figure three, the cone chart was used to present the age categories in which teenagers nt. In relation to the data in the cone chart presented, it was clearly most teenagers become pregnant at the ages of 15 to 17 since it is the age of consent question nine that was “is teenage pregnancy a problem within your community or a whole? Most of the respondents stated that it is a problem within their community but rest of the country they do not sion of research indicated that peer pressure is the main cause for teenage pregnancy. As we notice in the study that teenage pregnancy is mainly n the ages of fifteen to seventeen. 2008) that stated 16 million women 15–19 years old give birth each year, about 11% of worldwide and that ninety-five per cent of these births occur in low- and ies which reality is what we are seeing because st vincent and the grenadines on a ing to the human resource index is seen as a third world country with a middle addition, my research indicated that parents ought to be blamed for the growing rate e pregnancy in lowmans. This may sound harsh, however while interacting with ders to my interview while sharing the questionnaire they said that some of these at times pushing for their daughters to get pregnant for a guy with money or has a job so can provide for her and also to help out with the home which may let us come up to sion that the real cause is poverty. This observation that poverty helps to increase cy in become a pregnant teenager is supported by dr. Lindsay blank (2005) in her e pregnancy prevention initiatives in new deal communities “there is a lity in teenage pregnancies, and a tenfold increase in teenage pregnancy rates between and highest social classes. Teenage pregnancy is also associated with poor ement, which again is greater in deprived neighbourhoods children of teenage mothers likely to have the experience of being a lone parent and are generally at increased risk in poverty, poor housing and suffering bad nutrition(teenage pregnancy and parenthood:Health development agency, 2003). They are also more likely to become teenage rmore teenage pregnancy is mainly common between the ages of fifteen and many believed is due to the fact of peer pressure. However though, in st vincent and the grenadines consent age for boy is sixteen and girls fifteen, some argue that this also is one of onal causes for teenage pregnancy not only in lowmans however but also in the country as. However though there s programmes and workshops placed in the public’s domain to educate persons about the use of contraceptives alone with consequences of unprotected sions ,limitations and study was a survey of the causes of teenage pregnancy in lowmans saint vincent. To ascertain what influences female teenagers to get pregnant at such an early age suburban area of lowmans. Based on the findings it can be concluded that peer leads to unprotected sex and poverty are one of the two main reasons as to the rise in teenage pregnancy in lowmans. Teenage pregnancy has been at stable but sing rate and that parents play little or no role in guiding their children in the right media especially plays an important role in the development of teenagers and ncy and furthermore teenagers also have sex, mainly those that are between the 15-17 because of the age of consent or legal collection was limited to administering questionnaires.

Aquestionnaire on teenage pregnancy

2) parents should take the time out to educate their children about sex and the sexual abuse, which include sexually transmitted diseases, teenage pregnancy and. 3) the government should look into this grown problem and plan seminars regularly, e teenagers about sex and issues that drive them to have sex at an early age. 5) more programmes should be developed to attract teenagers into doing more with their time, this can incorporate other young women who are teen g their experiences that others can learn from health organisation ‘maternal, newborn, child and adolescent health’ :///maternal_child_adolescent/topics/maternal/adolescent_pregnancy/en/ distribution unit . On progress towards the millennium from a child rights perspective(2007) “teenage motherhood in latinamerica and eantrends, problems and challenges”ud, r. June(2003) teenage pregnancy prevention new deal communities retrived( december 13th 2012) :///ndc/downloads/reports/ name is jamol ferdinand. The investigation is d out in lowmans leeward to observe the causes of teenage ng you in a tick next to the appropriate ----25-35---- 35-45---- beyond------. Peer review common with other countries, teenage pregnancy is attracting policy attention in sri lanka because of the risks it poses to maternal and infant health and social and economic well-being. This study aimed to increase understanding of the context of teenage pregnancy, by (1) describing the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of pregnant teenagers and their partners; (2) exploring whether teenage pregnancies are planned and how they are received; and (3) exploring factors associated with unplanned teenage pregnancy. Interviewer-administered questionnaires were administered to two samples: 450 pregnant women aged less than 20 years; and 150 male partners of pregnant women aged less than 20 years. Multivariate logistic regression explored correlates of unplanned 60% of pregnant teenagers and male partners indicated that the current pregnancy was planned; while 79% of pregnant teenagers and 85% of male partners welcomed the pregnancy. Most pregnant teenagers were living within stable and supportive family environments, with 94% reporting that they felt ‘very well supported’. Nevertheless, a sub-group of pregnant teenagers appeared to be vulnerable, reporting unplanned and unhappy pregnancy; factors that were also associated with first intercourse being reported as not wanted. Levels of reproductive and contraceptive knowledge were poor among both pregnant teenagers and male partners. Just 46% of teenagers and 64% of male partners knew that pregnancy was possible at first intercourse. Mothers appear to be an important source of information and support for young women, with peers being reported far less ention to reduce teenage pregnancy must recognise the normative nature of early childbearing for the majority of girls who currently conceive and their families. Avoiding such pregnancies will require a fundamental shift in life chances such that delaying pregnancy offers significant socioeconomic advantages. In addition, strategies to identify and protect those girls who are vulnerable to unwanted sexual activity are oundin common with many parts of the world, teenage pregnancy is attracting increasing policy attention in sri lanka because of the risks it poses to maternal and infant health as well as to social and economic well-being [1]. Furthermore, there are concerns that pregnancy may have devastating consequences for teenage girls when it does occur, particularly if it happens outside of marriage [3],[4]. Goonewardne and waduge reported that 54% of pregnancies among 13–16 year olds and 23% among 17–19 year olds in their hospital-based study were unplanned [3], while an earlier study reported an overall unplanned pregnancy rate of 62% in their sample of 113 teenage mothers [5].

Aspeech on teenage pregnancy

Further, the limited data available suggest that a substantial proportion of those seeking termination of pregnancy (which is illegal in sri lanka) are adolescents [7],[8]. Evidence also indicates poorer birth outcomes across a range of indicators in those studies that have compared teenage to older mothers [3]. To-date there has been little exploration of the patterns, determinants or context of teen pregnancy in sri lanka. A recent systematic review of factors associated with teenage pregnancy in south asia, identified just two sri lankan studies, both of them hospital based [9]. These studies reported low education and low socioeconomic status to be associated with teenage pregnancy [5],[10]. Other research indicates that lack of contraceptive knowledge and fear of side effects contribute to low levels of contraceptive usage in general [5,] [linganathan k: factors associated with teenage pregnancy, unpublished], whilst unmarried individuals face additional difficulties in accessing contraceptive services [11]. A more recent study in three districts has confirmed that low education is associated with teenage pregnancy [12],[13]. These authors also suggested that aspects of an unsupportive family environment may characterise pregnant teenagers, while other research has suggested that the majority of pregnant teenagers have parental support [3]. Divergent findings and evidence of significant geographical variation, as well as unexamined factors, underscore the need for further exploration of the sociocultural context of teenage pregnancies in sri well as limited local understanding, there are significant challenges to extrapolating evidence from other settings – such as the usa, uk or even other south and southeast asian countries - given the important differences in socio-cultural milieu, marriage and childbearing practices [14],[15]. Present study aimed to increase understanding of the context within which teen pregnancy occurs in sri lanka; a vital first step to inform policy and practice development in this area. A population-based study was undertaken in one district in sri lanka with the objectives to: (i) describe the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of pregnant teenagers and their partners; (ii) explore whether teenage pregnancies are planned and how they are received; and (iii) explore factors that may increase the likelihood of unplanned teenage pregnancy. The paper importantly extends earlier work by: drawing on a population-register based sample in a region so far not explored; examining a wide range of potential predictive factors including religio-ethnic differentials; and including the male partners of pregnant study was conducted in badulla in the central hill country. Given the very high coverage rate of antenatal care – estimated to be 99% [19]- the midwives’ registers provided a very robust sampling frame from which to recruit pregnant teenagers (regardless of their marital status). Based on a desire to estimate the proportion of pregnant teenagers who were married (conservatively estimated to be 50%) with an accuracy of +/−5% and an anticipated non-response rate of 15% and using standard methods for sample size calculation [20], a target sample size of 450 was total target sample of 450 pregnant adolescents was stratified across moh areas in proportion to the adolescent pregnancy rate in each area in the year prior to data collection. All pregnant teenagers who were due to attend the clinic that day were identified from the midwife’s register of pregnant women. Every second pregnant teenager was selected and, on arrival at the clinic, these individuals were invited to participate in the study by the clinic midwife. If the teenager expressed verbal consent to participate, one of the three data collectors (either a public health nursing sister or a medical assistant) then explained the study in more detail, gave the respondent time to consider the study, answered any questions and took written consent to participation before administering the questionnaire. If the pregnant teenager was under 18 years, permission was also sought from her parents, guardians or partner who had accompanied her to the clinic. Participant recruitment for the study continued until the target number of pregnant teenagers was achieved for each of the moh areas; ranging from 63 respondents in welimada moh area to 12 in soranathota area.

Each clinic visit yielded one (in 92 visits), two (in 42 visits) or more completed questionnaires, up to a maximum of eight (in just four visits). Partners of pregnant teenagers, a pragmatic sample size of 150 was determined on the basis of available resources. As with pregnant teenagers, the required sample size was stratified across the moh areas and the plantation populations. In each moh area, a randomly selected group of midwives were asked to identify pregnant teenagers in their field registers and to extend an initial invitation to male partners to participate in the study. If a positive response was received, the partner’s details were passed to a male public health inspector employed in the district who then made contact and arranged a mutually convenient time and location to explain the study, take consent and administer the questionnaire. Again, recruitment continued in each area until the target sample size was achieved, ensuring representation across the the absence of any theoretically-informed work in the sri lankan context, an exploratory approach was taken based on a combination of conceptual insights and empirical findings from other contexts [21]-[24]. This earlier work raised a host of potential pathways of influence on adolescent pregnancy and suggested the importance of exploring: socio-economic circumstances; connectedness to family and family setting; school influences and experiences; partner characteristics; knowledge levels; peer and adolescent norms; and community norms. Structured questionnaires were developed for one-time administration to both pregnant teenagers (aged less than 20 years) and the partners of pregnant teenagers. The content of the questionnaires was largely similar across the two (though the partner questionnaire was somewhat shorter) and covered a range of topics including: socio-economic background; social circumstances; reproductive and contraceptive knowledge and practice; and planning and reaction to the pregnancy (ascertained via a series of questions). The questionnaires were initially prepared in english with input from academics and health practitioners, and then translated to tamil and sinhala, the local languages, and back-translated to english by a third party to ensure accuracy. Piloting was also undertaken before the questionnaires were finalised and administered by experienced interviewers (two female and one male) to both the pregnant teenagers and the partners of pregnant underwent consistency, logical and range checks prior to analysis in spssx. Subsequent analysis of factors describing the context within which first pregnancy occurred was confined to the 409 girls who were pregnant for the first time since answers to these questions would require a long period of recall for the 41 respondents who were pregnant for the second or third time, and circumstances of second and third pregnancies are likely to be very different. Cross tabulation and binary logistic regression analysis were undertaken to explore differentials between those who reported their pregnancy to be planned and those who reported it was not planned. Approval for the study was received from the sri lanka medical association and approval to undertake the study from the line ministry of health, provincial ministry of health and provincial director of -economic and demographic characteristics of pregnant teenagers and their  1 presents descriptive socio-demographic characteristics of the pregnant teenagers. Almost one third (29%, n = 130) of the pregnant teenagers were under 18 years, with four being 14 years of age. Moors (12%) were over-represented in the sample as compared to their population proportion in the region (around 5%), indicating a higher teenage pregnancy rate in this group than among the majority sinhalese and the tamils who made up 76% and 12% of the sample respectively (compared to 72% and 22% in the local population) [19]. Able to 150 male respondents comprised 37 partners of the pregnant teenagers in the study and 113 partners of other pregnant teenagers who were not interviewed for this study. Over three quarters of the teenage respondents said they were ‘very happy’ and just 6% that they were ‘not happy’ as a teen prior to meeting the current partner. Notwithstanding the general picture of stable and supportive family environments, comparisons between teenagers aged less than 18 years and those aged 18 or older showed a significant difference in the proportion reporting that they were ‘very happy’ in their teenage years (69% versus 80%, p = 0.

Activity and relationship first time pregnant teenagers, the reported age of first sexual experience ranged from 13–19 years (mean age 16. Furthermore, 87% of the men reported having had only one sexual partner, suggesting that the teenage pregnancies had occurred within monogamous and stable most common reasons given by pregnant teenagers for first intercourse were: being already married at the time (56%) and living with their partner or intending to get married (27%). Nevertheless, it is worth noting that reports from both the teenage sample and the partner sample indicated that in over 90% of cases male partners were older than the pregnant teenagers, and the age difference was substantial in a large proportion of cases, particularly for those girls in the younger age groups (table 2). Male age minus female age; teenagers’ ng and responses to first teenage  1 plots three variables side-by-side for the pregnant teenagers: the percentage of respondents who reported that their pregnancy was unintended/unplanned (including the 34 respondents who reported their pregnancy as ‘neither planned nor unplanned’); the percentage who reported that they were uncertain or ‘not pleased’ by the news of pregnancy; and the percentage who reported that since being pregnant they were feeling ‘not happy at all’, for the sample overall and according to the age of the ses to first pregnancy by age of the respondent at the time of survey (pregnant teenagers, n = 409) . Light grey - % reporting feeling ‘not happy at all’ since discovering l, 64% of respondents stated that their current pregnancy was planned and intentional, with 8% reporting that the pregnancy was ‘neither planned nor unplanned’ and 28% stating that it was unplanned. However, there was a strong association with age, with 100% of respondents aged 14 and 80% of those aged 15 at the time of the survey reporting that their pregnancy was not planned compared to around 25% for 19 year-olds. Consistent with answers to the question on planning the pregnancy, around 60% of respondents stated they had not been using contraception because they intended to conceive, while only 23% had been using a method of contraception when they became pregnant (13% the oral pill, 9% natural methods, 1% condom). Only 64% of the teenagers had planned to become pregnant, 79% of the sample reported that they were ‘very happy’ since being pregnant, suggesting that for a majority of the adolescents pregnancy was not seen as a problem and that even for those that had not planned their pregnancy, most had subsequently adjusted to their situation. Similar picture emerged from the male partner data, with around two-thirds reporting that the current pregnancy had been planned and just 29% indicating that pregnancy had occurred as a result of contraceptive failure. Again, rather more respondents - 85% - stated that they had welcomed the pregnancy; indicating that most had come to terms with the majority of the pregnancies were proceeding in a supportive environment. The primary source of support most commonly reported by the pregnant teenagers was their partner/husband (95%). It was also found that 26 (6%) respondents (across all the ages) who were in their first pregnancy wished to get rid of the pregnancy and 10 (2%) reported actually trying to do so. Furthermore, the proportion of pregnant teenagers citing their parents as a source of support was found to be significantly lower among pregnant teenagers aged under 18 years than those aged 18 years plus (83% citing mother versus 93% and 67% citing father versus 82%, both p < 0. Similarly, among those reporting that their pregnancy was not planned, 16% reported feeling ‘somewhat supported’ or ‘not supported at all’, whereas 100% of those who had planned the pregnancy felt ‘very well supported’. Only 17% of the girls demonstrated satisfactory knowledge of the fertility period by correctly identifying when during the monthly menstrual cycle pregnancy is most likely to male partners had reproductive knowledge levels that were better than those of the pregnant teenagers, with 64% aware of the possibility of pregnancy at first intercourse and 21% aware of the fertile terms of knowledge about contraception, respondents were asked, for each method in turn: whether they had heard of the method; knew how to use it; where to obtain it; and whether they could obtain it. Knowledge of long-acting contraceptive methods was very the pregnant teenagers, the most commonly cited sources of knowledge about puberty were: mother (61%) and school (41%). Only 11% of respondents reported that they had discussed sexual relationships with friends and 12% that they had discussed how girls become pregnant with s associated with unplanned teenage analysis above suggests that a majority of teenage pregnancies in this context were welcomed. The planned status of a pregnancy might impact upon the experience of pregnancy, its outcome and the subsequent wellbeing of mother and child. Dichotomous variable was constructed placing those who reported their pregnancy as ‘planned’ (n = 263, 64%) in one category and grouping those who answered ‘unplanned’ with those who said ‘neither planned nor unplanned’ together into the other category (n = 146, 36%), henceforth referred to as ‘not planned’.

Analyses using chi squared tests showed that the following factors were significantly associated with the pregnancy being reported as not planned: younger age; ethnicity (with pregnancies being more likely to be unplanned among buddhist sinhalese (38%) and hindu tamil (37%) than among muslim moor respondents (15%) p < 0. Of the logistic regression analysis conducted to identify factors associated with pregnancy being not planned are presented in table 3. And were introduced into the stepwise d stepwise logistic regression model on factors related to ‘not planned’ pregnancy (first time pregnant teenagers n = 409). The goodness-of-fit test indicated that the model was an adequately fitting model, but the nagelkerke’s r2 indicates that only 10% of the variation in outcome can be accounted for by these odds ratios indicate that among this sample of pregnant teenagers, those who reported that they did not want their first intercourse to happen had odds of reporting their pregnancy as not planned three times higher than those who had wanted their first intercourse. Also, those who reported being less than ‘very happy’ as a teen had odds of reporting their pregnancy as not planned two times higher than those who had been ‘very happy’. Compared to the sinhalese and tamils, moor adolescent girls were significantly less likely to report their pregnancy as not planned (or 0. Findings presented above offer important new insight into the context in which teen pregnancy occurs in sri lanka incorporating perspectives of both pregnant adolescents and their male partners. Sri lanka presents a very different socio-cultural context from western settings where much prior research into teenage pregnancy has been conducted, with strong proscriptions against pre-marital sex and an exceptionally low incidence of sexual activity among school-going adolescents by international standards [25]. At the same time, sri lanka diverges in important ways from its south asian neighbours, with much higher rates of school attendance, particularly for girls, and later female age at marriage and lower rates of adolescent pregnancy than in india, bangladesh or pakistan [15]. As such, extrapolation of evidence from other contexts is problematic, and this paper contributes importantly to our emergent understanding of adolescent pregnancy in the sri lankan dominant picture is one where teenage pregnancies are either planned or, if not planned, welcomed, and where teenage pregnant girls are living within stable and supportive family environments. These findings support and extend other recent work that reports many teenage pregnancies to be planned [6] and most teenage mothers to have parental support [3]. This situation reflects the important social respectability that marital status confers on these girls (as previously identified by waidyaratne [26]) and indicates a socio-cultural context that accommodates teenage pregnancy. In this context, it could be argued that, for many of these pregnant adolescents who are likely to have grown up with some degree of poverty and have limited career prospects, delaying pregnancy would be unlikely to make a significant difference to their life trajectories whilst pregnancy offers them social status in a culture where motherhood remains core to a woman’s identity [27]. Clearly, the normative status of teenage pregnancy among these communities contrasts starkly to contexts where such pregnancies are heavily stigmatised, such as in the uk and us [28],[29], though it should be remembered that even in western settings teenage pregnancy is not considered problematic by all sections of the population [30]. Nevertheless, even in this setting where adverse outcomes of pregnancy are minimised by high quality maternity care that is accessed by almost all women [19], pregnancy at a very young age still raises concerns for maternal and infant health, as evidenced in several earlier studies [31],[32]. Furthermore, it was important to note that a large proportion of respondents, while welcoming their pregnancy, nevertheless felt that they had engaged in sexual relationships at ‘too young’ an age, perhaps suggesting that while they are accepting of their current situation, they can nevertheless envisage an alternative life trajectory that involved delayed sexual activity and reproduction. S finding that a majority of pregnant teenagers in their sample reported that the decision to have a baby had been taken by their husband [6]. A generally positive picture, our findings do suggest a sub-group of pregnant teenagers who are vulnerable. Consistent with earlier hospital-based studies [3],[5], a significant minority of girls were not happy in their pregnancy.

Moreover, reporting an unplanned and unhappy pregnancy was strongly associated with first intercourse being reported as not wanted. The finding that some pregnant teenagers had tried to get rid of the pregnancy is a matter of concern as abortion is only legally sanctioned in sri lanka when the mother’s life is endangered. Both components of the study reported a situation where over 50% of the pregnant teenagers had a partner six or more years older than them. The younger the teenager, the more likely they were to have a partner considerably older than themselves, a factor that may contribute to the potential vulnerability of these young the girls and the male partners demonstrated low levels of reproductive and contraceptive knowledge, in spite of the fact that respondents would have had the opportunity to be exposed to information from healthcare professionals during their antenatal care. The findings also suggest missed opportunities during the antenatal period to provide knowledge that could support the delay of the next pregnancy. This is confirmed by the substantial proportion of teenage girls in the sample (almost 10%) who were in their second pregnancy. Male partners also showed low levels of knowledge about sources of information and support are considered, the findings show that the mother of the pregnant teenager plays a key role; with friends and peers being mentioned much less often. On the positive side, the availability of a robust sampling frame and the 100% recruitment rate for pregnant teenagers ensured the representativeness of the findings to the study district. Further, while the accuracy of self-reporting in administered questionnaires is indeterminate, the use of experienced and well-trained interviewers plus careful design and administration of the data collection tool aimed to minimise the possibility of social acceptability bias in responses. Although this limited direct comparability between the two data sets, the inclusion of male partners alongside pregnant teenagers has not previously been achieved in sri lanka and these data provided important additional insight into the is recognised that, despite the very high antenatal care coverage, a small number of teenage pregnancies would not have been recorded on the midwives’ registers, either because they were concealed and/or terminated, and therefore would fall outside our study. Also, findings from a school-based questionnaire that formed part of the present project and are reported elsewhere, show findings that are comparable with recent national data [35] giving confidence that badulla is not exceptional in any important respect. Nevertheless, recent analysis underscores the importance of acknowledging regional variations in levels and patterns of teenage pregnancy and the danger of extrapolation [2]. Furthermore, the results raise a number of questions that require more qualitative methods of investigation, as well as a longitudinal design, including the implication of the pregnancy for the career and future socioeconomic wellbeing of the teenager and her male sionthe key messages for healthcare practice from this study relate to the importance of ensuring that pregnant teenagers and their male partners are provided with adequate contraceptive information and service access to ensure that they are able to delay their second pregnancy. Community midwives already provide care to the vast majority of pregnant teenagers and these contacts should incorporate more effective education for these girls and their wider families. In addition, there is a need to develop strategies for reaching out to those girls who are particularly vulnerable to unwanted sexual activity and pregnancy at a very young terms of policy development, the key message from this study is that efforts to reduce teenage pregnancy must recognise the normative nature of early childbearing for the majority of girls who currently conceive and the fact that parents and the wider community are commonly supportive and even complicit in arranging marriages below the legal age. Avoiding such pregnancies is not simply a question of providing education; it requires a more fundamental shift in life chances such that delaying pregnancy offers significant socioeconomic advantages for these young women and their y, in terms of the research agenda, this study has highlighted the dangers of extrapolating learning from western settings and suggests the need for conceptual and qualitative empirical work, to better characterise the context of teenage pregnancy in sri lanka and particularly to understand the factors that place some young women in particularly vulnerable ledgementsthis paper is based on research undertaken for the first author’s doctoral degree. And childbirth in low and middle income pregnancy and ncbi web site requires javascript to tionresourcesall resourceschemicals & bioassaysbiosystemspubchem bioassaypubchem compoundpubchem structure searchpubchem substanceall chemicals & bioassays resources... 1983 nov;72(5):e pregnancy: a prospective study of self-esteem and other sociodemographic me, green ja, frothingham cta prospective study was undertaken to examine the relationship of self-esteem and other factors theorized to contribute to teenage pregnancy. The coopersmith self-esteem inventory and a questionnaire concerning demographic, attitudinal, and other factors, were administered to 874 of the 1,007 teenage women enrolled in two city high schools.

During the following year, 95 of 858 teenage women followed up became pregnant, a pregnancy rate of 11. However, further analysis revealed that either alone or in combination, there were no more than 57% sensitivity and 67% specificity for prediction of subsequent pregnancy from the : 6634266 [indexed for medline] sharepublication type, mesh termspublication typeresearch support, non-u. Gov'tmesh termsadolescentadultafrican americansattitudeeducational statusfemalehumansnorth carolinapersonality inventorypregnancypregnancy in adolescence*prospective studiesself concept*socioeconomic factorssurveys and questionnaireslinkout - more resourcesfull text sourceshighwiremedicalpregnancy - genetic allianceteenage pregnancy - medlineplus health informationpubmed commons home. 2004 jan;25(1): adolescent prenatal questionnaire: assessing psychosocial factors that influence transition to information1university of nebraska medical center college of nursing, omaha, nebraska 68198, usa. The descriptive, correlational study tested the adolescent prenatal questionnaire (apq) in 145 unmarried first-time pregnant adolescents 15-18 years of age who planned to keep their infants. Gov'tvalidation studiesmesh termsadaptation, psychological*adolescentadolescent developmentanalysis of varianceconflict (psychology)factor analysis, statisticalfemalehumansmaternal behaviormidwestern united statesmodels, psychologicalnursing assessment/methods*nursing assessment/standardsnursing evaluation researchpregnancypregnancy in adolescence/psychology*pregnant women/psychology*psychology, adolescentpsychometricsself efficacysingle person/psychologysurveys and questionnaires/standards*linkout - more resourcesfull text sourcestaylor & francisother literature sourcescos scholar universemedicalteenage pregnancy - medlineplus health informationpubmed commons home.