Effect of teenage pregnancy on academic performance
New authors:free, easy and al: ambassador newsletter keeps you up to date with all new papers in your information via can unsubscribe any registered t with t a new password via impact of teenage pregnancy on school dropout among secondary school girls in embu ogy - children and ad immediately. Illustration in percentages of the girls already engaging sex with partners of different gh considerable attention has been paid to the prevalence of adolescence childbearing in kenya today, few studies have focused on the educational consequences of the schoolgirl pregnancy. Using data collected in selected schools in embu municipality, this study examines the factors associated with schoolgirl pregnancy as well as the likelihood of school dropout and subsequent re-enrollment of schoolgirls who become analysis is derived from the data collected from secondary schoolgirls, education officials and teachers on factors that predispose girls to pregnancy, the extent to which teenage pregnancy contributes to school dropout and the eventual levels of re-admission. Question is then raised on what other factors would be causing these girls to drop out of school other than just the pregnancy. However, poverty, cultural practices and peer pressure are among the factors assumed to be predisposing girls to pregnancy from the findings of this study, while these factors in themselves would also cause dropouts. In addition, some studies have shown that few adolescents use contraceptives and are at risk of pregnancy (kiragu, 1991; mccauley and salter, 1995; kiragu & zabin, 1995). Research reports also indicate that the united states records the highest teen birth rates in the industrialized world, twice as high as that of the united kingdom which is the developed nation with the second highest rate of teen pregnancy (the national campaign to prevent teen pregnancy, 1997). The educational stakes are also very high for young parents in the developed countries whereas a high percentage of young mothers drop out of school, making early motherhood the number one reason for dropping out of school among young girls in these africa, especially the sub-saharan africa countries, there are concerns about high rates of pregnancy-related school dropouts, also leading to the reported gender disparities in education in the developing world (mensch et. Among policy makers and even the media, pregnancy is increasingly being mentioned as a reason for premature school leaving in the region. Anyone who has lived or travelled in africa and read the local papers is familiar with the attention given to “schoolgirl pregnancy”- a term which draws attention to the risks schoolgirls face when they stay in school beyond the age of sexual maturity (lloyd & mensch, 2005). Because girls who dropped out of school due to pregnancy usually never returned to school to complete their education after childbirth, their opportunities for socioeconomic advancement are limited. They must either terminate their pregnancy by taking recourse in abortion in order to continue their education, or drop out of school either on their own volition or on pain of threatened official expulsion…..
Effects of teenage pregnancy on academic performance of students
When girls drop out of school because of pregnancy, their future socio-economic prospects are significantly reduced. Than the health problems associated with teenage pregnancy, it can also affect the girl’s future by delaying or terminating education, decreasing the chance of education beyond high school and increasing the chances of a poor marriage, unemployment or a low paying job. It is also noted that rather than pregnancy causing girls to drop out of school, other factors such as the lack of social and economic opportunities for girls and women in general as well as the domestic demands placed on them, coupled with the gender inequities of the education system, may result in unsatisfactory school experiences, poor academic performance and an acquiescence in or endorsement for early kenya, the youth population with young people between ages 15 – 19 is large, accounting for 25% of the population of the country. The challenges are serious such that many young people especially young girls are leaving school early due to pregnancy. A growth in the percentage of girls attending school after puberty inevitably leads to a rise in the risk of pregnancy among students being that they are already sexually the fluidity of the traditional african marriage process, the onset of sexual relations and childbearing prior to formalizing a union was not unknown in kenya in the past (meekers 1992). The ministry is fully aware that the dropout rate for girls is higher than that of boys and also that pregnancy and subsequent drop out of the girls from school contributes to the very disparities the educational policy seeks to eliminate. The statistics on school drop out of the teenage mothers in kenya reveal that the problem has been demanding urgent solution. 1 problem statement:Teenage pregnancy has a direct implication on school dropout among girls and a subsequent contributor to the disparities experienced in the education of both girls and boys. A number of studies concur that many young women drop out of school as a result of pregnancy (gyepi-grabrah, 1985a). Whereas there have been issues raised with regard to teenage pregnancy and its subsequent influence on school dropouts, the literature available is really not about schoolgirl pregnancy at all, but instead on the relationship between school exit and subsequent childbearing. The widespread perception is also that girls who become pregnant and drops out may have to accept a low-paid job, enter a premature marriage, or become the head of an impoverished household, relying on meager assistance from her family and the child’s study seeks to establish the extent to which teenage pregnancy contributes to school dropout among girls in embu municipality. What are the levels of school drop outs in embu municipality due to teenage pregnancy?
6 justification of the study:Early sexual debut and premarital sex are increasingly common features of female adolescence in kenya - putting girls at the risk of unwanted pregnancy and even infections such as sexually transmitted infections and hiv/aids. Except in qualitative studies, the simultaneous decisions related to pregnancy and leaving school are rarely examined. In particular, if a girl gives a reason other than pregnancy for discontinuing her education, whether she is also pregnant at the time she leaves school is rarely taken into account. Particularly for those who give such dominant concerns as financial issues, family obligations, or lack of interest in school, a pregnancy may serve as an unacknowledged catalyzing force for timing of school ’ dropping out of school due to pregnancy is a prevalent issue as reported in most schools in kenya and this makes the issue of pregnancy as a reason for school dropout a subject worth investigating. Pregnancy as a factor in some of the dropouts may be downplayed, likewise the girls who mention pregnancy as their reason for leaving school may be influenced by their family’s financial situation or by potential care giving arrangements that will be available after the child is born. These factors may be significant in determining how a schoolgirl reacts to pregnancy and whether she will resume her education after her child is reports also show that an estimated 13,000 girls drop out of school every year due to pregnancy. With all the uncertainties pointed out here, it is evident that the issue of teenage pregnancy as a reason for school dropout among school girls is an area worth investigating; singling out the influence that teenage pregnancy has on schoolgirl dropout and the extent to which it is felt. 7 significance of the study:As already seen above on the justification, the outcome of this very important study has provided a more precise understanding of how teenage pregnancy influences school dropout and how that affects the education of the girl child in this particular region, the causes of teenage pregnancy as well as the possible remedies that can be employed to control the most likely to benefit from the findings of this study are the ministry of education and the school management authorities, especially in the formulation and strengthening of policies that guard teenage pregnancies in schools and the possible re-admission of the affected girls back to school. The civil society is another potential beneficiary of the outcome of this study in their course of championing for the rights of the girl child in attaining education, while working towards narrowing down the gender disparities in the education study has also helped create an environment of clear understanding of teenage pregnancies in schools, singling it out for clarity as one of the major causes as opposed to the many reasons that may cause school dropout. 9 assumptions of the study:- secondary school going girls are at great risk of dropping out of school due to pregnancy. Girls who withdraw from school due to pregnancy would have otherwise continued in school had they not become r 2: literature studies have investigated the degree to which pregnancy related school dropout is a major cause of gender differences in educational attainment (eloundou-enyegue and strokes 2004). The goal of this study is to determine whether reduction in unintended teen pregnancy is a useful policy lever to improve school attendance by girls ensuring gender equity in school ble arguments suggest that programs to avoid unintended pregnancies among teens can have spillover benefits in promoting gender equity in education in many countries.
Since many girls and few (if any) boys drop out of school because of pregnancies, policymakers could reduce existing gender gaps by addressing pregnancy-related dropouts (hyde 1995; odaga and heneveld 1995; okojie 2001). 1 causes of teenage pregnancies:The various causes of teenage pregnancies in kenya are as listed below;. Early pregnancy may be seen as a normal occurrence, the outcome of adolescent fertility and an indication of one’s et. Teenage pregnancy can usually be attributed to abundance of sexual mythology that they have learned from their peers and lack of factual information that they have received from their parents. For pc, kindle, tablet, impact of teenage pregnancy on school dropout among secondary school girls in embu a in social ess of the health risks associated with teenage pregnancy in ... Common didactics, educational objectives, ch paper (postgraduate),Male invovlement in their partner's pregnancy and exploratory study in bil... Earn money and win an iphone american journal of microsite search american journal of the johns hopkins bloomberg school of public ls career ising and corporate -archiving american journal of mobile search als and of teenage pregnancy on educational disabilities in a v. For other works by this author on:Search for other works by this author on:Search for other works by this author on:Search for other works by this author on:Search for other works by this author on:Search for other works by this author on:Download citation file:© 2017 oxford university microsite search e pregnancies have become a public health issue because of their observed negative effects on perinatal outcomes and long-term morbidity. The association of young maternal age and long-term morbidity is usually confounded, however, by the high prevalence of poverty, low level of education, and single marital status among teenage mothers. The authors assess the independent effect of teenage pregnancy on educational disabilities and educational problems in a total population of children who entered kindergarten in florida in 1992–1994 and investigate how controlling for potentially confounding factors affects the relation between teenage pregnancies and poor outcome. When no other factors are taken into account, children of teenage mothers have significantly higher odds of placement in certain special education classes and significantly higher occurrence of milder education problems, but when maternal education, marital status, poverty level, and race are controlled, the detrimental effects disappear and even some protective effects are observed. Hence, the increased risk for educational problems and disabilities among children of teenage mothers is attributed not to the effect of young age but to the confounding influences of associated sociodemographic factors.
In contrast to teen age, older maternal age has an adverse effect on a child's educational outcome regardless of whether other factors are controlled for or development, education, special, logistic models, morbidity, pregnancy in adolescence, socioeconomic factorseh, emotionally handicapped, emh, educable mentally handicapped, iq, intelligence quotient, ld, learning disabled, pi, physically impaired, pmh, profoundly mentally handicapped, tmh, trainable mentally handicappedteenage pregnancy has long been identified as a risk factor for adverse perinatal and long-term outcomes (1). The occurrence of low birth weight has been observed to be much higher among children of teenage mothers than among children of women beyond adolescence (1–11), and giving birth during the teen years has been found to be associated with a higher risk of prematurity (2, 9, 12). Negative effects on long-term cognitive and emotional development and on the educational performance of these children have also been consistently observed (13–19). Often, even after controlling for such confounding factors, negative effects have still been observed (2, 5, 13, 14), but in some studies, the negative effects have been found to completely disappear, and some positive effects of younger age have even been found (4, 6, 7, 11, 16). Some new designs, such as sibling studies and ingeniously chosen control groups, attempt to better control for confounding factors (3, 26), but even in those studies, the separation of maternal age effects and the effects of other confounding factors is not complete. The large sample size (more than 300,000 records) allowed us to control several important confounders by using multivariable models and to study the effect of maternal teenage on rare previous studies that focus on the long-term outcomes of children use as their outcome measure scores on tests of academic achievement, neurologic functioning, and teacher and parent reports. We examine placement in special education classes and in remedial services programs as a result of demonstrated academic problems. Our study is population based and allows us to assess the effects of maternal age on functionally determined, school-based disabilities while controlling for a variety of sociodemographic confounders. It was motivated by the results from a previous study by our group (28), in which we compared the effects and the impact of a variety of perinatal and sociodemographic variables on classroom placement by fitting generalized logistic regression models and computing excess/deficit numbers based on these models. The basic study population and the outcome measure in both studies were the same, but in this study, we focus specifically on the effects of maternal age. In the previous analyses of this data set, we unexpectedly observed no detrimental effect of giving birth during the teen years when we controlled for all other risk factors considered, but a negative effect of older age was present. In this study, we examine the influence of confounders on the true effect of maternal age.
We fit a variety of models to assess the confounding influences of risk factors for educational problems and investigate the effect of maternal age among subpopulations of teenage mothers. Materials and study sample consisted of children born in florida between 1985 and 1990 who entered kindergarten in florida public schools in the academic years 1992–1993, 1993–1994, or 1994–1995. The outcome variable was educational placement in kindergarten into seven mutually exclusive special education categories designed to serve children with an educational disability, an academic problems category for children with milder educational problems, and a reference category consisting of children who attended regular classroom or gifted classes only. Special education categories included: 1) physically impaired (pi): severe skeletal or neuromuscular condition adversely affecting educational performance; 2) sensory impaired: deaf, blind, hard of hearing, or partially sighted; 3) profoundly mentally handicapped (pmh): intelligence quotient (iq) less than 25; 4) trainable mentally handicapped (tmh): iq between 25 and 54; 5) educable mentally handicapped (emh): iq between 55 and 69; 6) learning disabled (ld): psychological processing disorders marked by difficulties in the acquisition and use of language, reading, writing, or mathematics; and 7) emotionally handicapped (eh): condition resulting in persistent and maladaptive ures for eligibility determination and classification criteria of primary exceptionality are standardized throughout the state's 67 school districts. Academic problems category comprised milder educational intervention or remediation programs and practices used in florida that could not be analyzed separately without bias because of local districts' variations in assigning students to these programs. The federal chapter 1/title 1 basic program provided educational services to low-achieving students, and nonpromotion to first grade was defined as a child who was assigned to kindergarten again the following en with both a special education primary exceptionality and an academic problem were placed in the special education tor variables. Maternal age was a four-category variable with a young teenage group (ages 11–17 years), a late teenage group (ages 18–19 years), older mothers (age ≥ 36 years), and mid-age mothers (ages 20–35 years). A few perinatal variables were also considered: birth weight, a seven-category variable (450–749, 750–999, 1,000–1,499, 1,500–2,499, 2,500–2,999, 3,000–4,749, and 4,750–6,049 g), congenital anomaly, complications of labor, and prenatal care were yes or no variables, and previous pregnancy experience was defined as previous failed pregnancies, no previous pregnancy, or one or more previous, successful pregnancies with no failures. Statistical catmod procedure in sas (32) was used to fit generalized logistic regression models for multinomial responses to assess the unadjusted and the adjusted effects of maternal age on the outcome. The emphasis of the analyses was on the effects of giving birth during the teen years, but the effects of older maternal age were simultaneously assessed. Generalized odds ratios, with regular classroom placement as the reference category, were used to measure the effect on each educational disability of levels of maternal age in relation to the reference category 20–35 years. Odds ratios significantly greater than one indicate detrimental effects of younger (or older) than normal age, while odds ratios significantly less than one indicate protective effects of younger (or older) first fitted two main effects models: 1) an univariable model in which maternal age was the only predictor and 2) a multivariable model with main effects for all predictors considered.
Perinatal variables did not appear to be confounders, since the maternal age effect estimated from the complete multivariable model was essentially the same as that from the model with only sociodemographic predictors. Therefore, we started with a generalized logistic regression model with main effects for maternal age, maternal education, marital status, poverty, race, and sex and then dropped potential confounders one at a time on the basis of the change in the estimated generalized odds ratios in the maternal age groups. The odds ratios for older age in the complete multivariable model were not significantly different from those in the univariable model, so the decisions were based only on the estimates for the maternal teenage categories. The patterns were consistent for all outcomes in both teenage groups (odds ratios changed in the same direction). A limitation of the current strategy is that the relative importance of a predictor depends on the other predictors present in the e of a lack of sufficient variability in education within the maternal teenage categories, it was difficult to separate the effect of age from that of education in these groups. To check whether there was an age effect in the youngest teenage group, we performed an additional analysis in which we considered only children of mothers aged 11–17 years with less than a high school education who were unmarried and poor. We then fitted generalized logistic regression models with maternal age as a continuous predictor and computed estimated generalized odds ratios for the effect of a 1-year increase in maternal age. This analysis addresses the question of whether there is a detrimental effect of younger age for the most typical teenagers. The standardized percentages for placement in the various special education categories and in the academic problems category for both teenage groups tend to be lower than the corresponding raw percentages. Hence, there is some evidence that a large number of children of teenage mothers show disabilities or academic problems not because of the effect of having a teenage mother per se but because of the confounding influences of other factors. In contrast, the raw and the standardized percentages for older age in most outcome categories (except perhaps pi) are very similar, indicating that the effect of older maternal age on educational disabilities is not altered by the considered sociodemographic and perinatal counts and raw and standardized percentages* for the effect of maternal age on educational outcome, florida, 1992–1994 maternal age (years) educational placement pi† si† pmh† tmh† emh† ld† eh† ap† rc† total 11–17 no. Pi, physically impaired; si, sensory impaired; pmh, profoundly mentally handicapped; tmh, trainable mentally handicapped; emh, educable mentally handicapped; ld, learning disabled; eh, emotionally handicapped; ap, academic problems; rc, regular classroom; std %, standardized largeestimated generalized odds ratios and associated 95 percent confidence intervals for the maternal age effect from the univariable model and the complete multivariable main effects model are given in table 2.
When no other factors were taken into account, children of mothers in both teenage groups were found to be at a significantly increased risk for emh, pmh, eh, and academic problems. The odds were about twice as high for emh, pmh, and eh for the younger teenagers (odds ratio = 2. However, when all of the other factors were included in the model, the only significant odds ratios were smaller than one, and hence, maternal teenage appeared to have some protective effects. Children of mothers aged 11–17 years were found to be at a significantly lower risk for tmh and academic problems, and children of mothers aged 18–19 years were found to be at a significantly lower risk for tmh, ld, and academic problems. In both the multivariable and the univariable models, children of older mothers were found to be at a significantly increased risk for pi, tmh, and academic problems. The risk was also found to be increased for emh when other factors were controlled but not when age was the only predictor in the lized odds ratios and associated 95% confidence intervals for maternal age effect from the univariable and the complete multivariable main effects models, florida,1992–1994 controlled variables and maternal age (years) educational placement pi† si† pmh† tmh† emh† ld† eh† ap† all 11–17 or† 0. Pi, physically impaired; si, sensory impaired; pmh, profoundly mentally handicapped; tmh, trainable mentally handicapped; emh, educable mentally handicapped; ld, learning disabled; eh, emotionally handicapped; ap, academic problems; or, odds ratio; ci, confidence largeas indicated by the magnitudes, directions, and significances of the estimated odds ratios for the complete multivariable model (table 2, first two rows) and for a multivariable model with only sociodemographic predictors (table 3, model i, first two rows), similar results were obtained when all variables were controlled and when only sociodemographic variables were controlled. Hence, perinatal variables as a whole do not appear to act as confounders for the relation between maternal age and the outcome and were excluded from further lized odds ratios and associated 95% confidence intervals for maternal age effects on educational outcomes when controlling for subsets (i–v) of potentially confounding sociodemographic factors, florida,1992–1994† maternal age (years) and model educational placement pi‡ si‡ pmh‡ tmh‡ emh‡ ld‡ eh‡ ap‡ 11–17 i 0. Pi, physically impaired; si, sensory impaired; pmh, profoundly mentally handicapped; tmh, trainable mentally handicapped; emh, educable mentally handicapped; ld, learning disabled; eh, emotionally handicapped; ap, academic largeto investigate which of the sociodemographic predictors were the strongest confounders of the relation between birth to a teenager and educational placement, we deleted factors from the main effects model with all sociodemographic predictors and compared the estimated generalized odds ratios. As a result, all but one of the protective effects disappeared, and some detrimental effects were observed. The estimated odds for the effect of older age also did not change significantly when sociodemographic and perinatal variables were dropped and were added to the model, respectively. On the other hand, when parity was also controlled for, almost all protective effects of giving birth during the teen years disappeared.
This may explain why children of younger mothers appear to be less likely to demonstrate academic problems, learning disabilities, and trainable mental handicaps than do children of older mothers. Children of teenage mothers are less likely to have older siblings and may get more attention at home than do children of older mothers (19). Of the complete confounding present in the youngest teenage group between maternal education and maternal teen age (no mothers with more than a high school education were available in this age group), it is impossible to separate the effects of maternal age and maternal education for children of mothers aged 11–17 years. To check whether there is an effect (possibly biological) of age among younger mothers, we considered the population of children of mothers aged 11–17 years with less than a high school education who were unmarried and poor. Among young teenagers aged 11–17 years, being younger by 1 year led to a significant increase of about 44 percent in the odds for placement in the eh group and of about 24 percent in the odds for placement in emh group. For blacks, in particular, being younger by 1 year was associated with a significant increase in the odds of placement in eh, ld, emh, and tmh, while among whites, the odds increased significantly only for academic problems. In all other cross-classifications of sociodemographic factors, the age effect was either not estimable or not lized odds ratios for the effects of a 1-year decrease in maternal age on educational outcomes among subpopulations of teenagers, florida,1992–1994† subpopulation educational placement pi‡ si‡ pmh‡ tmh‡ emh‡ ld‡ eh‡ ap‡ age 11–17 years, less than high school education, unmarried, poor (n = 12,430) or‡ 0. The odds ratios estimate the effect of a 1-year decrease in maternal age among young teenagers aged 11–17 years. Pi, physically impaired; si, sensory impaired; pmh, profoundly mentally handicapped; tmh, trainable mentally handicapped; emh, educable mentally handicapped; ld, learning disabled; eh, emotionally handicapped; ap, academic problems; or odds ratio; ci, confidence large investigated the independent effect of maternal age on educational disabilities in kindergarten. We found that after controlling for maternal education, marital status, poverty, race, and sex, there was no residual negative effect of giving birth in the teen years, and some protective effects were even observed (for academic problems, ld, and tmh). Our findings concerning educational disabilities are consistent with results from previous studies on children's educational achievement that adverse consequences of teenage childbearing appear to be due to social and economic origins rather than to the effects of young age per se (14, 16, 22, 23, 25). Although some previous studies have detected negative effects even after controlling for confounders (13, 15), in our study, no residual negative effects were should be pointed out that although teen age birth does not appear to have a detrimental effect per se on educational outcome, it may contribute to low maternal education, unmarried status, and/or poverty, factors with known, large, negative effects on educational disabilities.
Hence, although maternal age does not directly influence the outcome, it may have an indirect effect through the intermediate sociodemographic factors. Fortunately, sociodemographic factors such as maternal education are remedial, and intervention programs targeted at teenage mothers have been shown to ameliorate some of the negative consequences of teenage parenting (33). These findings underscore the importance and value of high school graduation programs for teenage teen age, older maternal age was found to be a risk factor for certain types of educational disabilities regardless of whether other risk factors were controlled. Hence, children of older mothers are more likely to have pi, tmh, or academic problems in kindergarten, possibly as a direct result of the older age of the mothers. While the effect on pi and tmh may be due to structural damage and hence reflects biological disadvantage, the category academic problems encompasses milder educational problems, and hence, the effect of older age may be attributable to unmeasured environmental factors. A number of studies (13, 14, 16, 18, 22) attribute lower cognitive scores (corresponding to the categories ld and academic problems) among children of teenagers to decreased vocalization and poor parenting e of the lack of information on the sociodemographic status of the mothers on the kindergarten records, almost all predictor variables considered were measured at birth. Therefore, the true effect of factors such as maternal education and marital status may be underestimated. The risk for educational problems for a child whose teenage mother completed high school after the child's birth is likely to be smaller than that for a child whose teenage mother did not advance her education after the birth; yet both cases are treated the same way in our sample. The effect of this type of mismeasurement on our findings will be to diminish the apparent significance of maternal education because the high-risk group of mothers with a low level of education at birth also includes those who increase their level of education after the birth of their children. As a result of the analysis, it appears that there is no indirect effect of maternal age on the outcome through the considered perinatal variables once the sociodemographic factors are controlled the sociodemographic predictors studied, maternal education appeared to be the strongest confounder, but marital status, poverty, and race were also very important. The restriction of the study sample to only young teenagers with less than a high school education who were unmarried and poor and the treatment of maternal age as a continuous variable allowed us to assess the independent effect of age on the outcome within the subpopulation of most typical teenage mothers. It is not clear, however, whether the observed detrimental effect of a 1-year decrease in age for certain mild educational disabilities (eh and emh) is attributed to purely biological causes, to sociodemographic causes, or to a combination of both.
The fact that no age effect was observed for the most severe disabilities in younger mothers, if not explained by small sample sizes in the restricted population, does give some credence that there may not be a biological disadvantage of younger age with regard to disabilities in kindergarten. A more plausible explanation is that children of younger teenagers are at a disadvantage because of environmental conclusion, children of teenage mothers are at a higher risk for disabilities in kindergarten, but this increased risk appears to be due not to a biological effect of the young age of the mother per se but to the confounding influences of associated sociodemographic and/or environmental factors. Prevention of teenage pregnancies should continue to be an important public policy goal, and programs should target teenage mothers to ameliorate the effects of more important predictors such as low maternal education, single marital status, poverty, and minority race that are likely to continue to place the children of teenage mothers at risk for adverse outcomes after birth. Maternal youth and pregnancy outcomes: middle school versus high school age groups compared with women beyond the teen years. It furthers the university's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing ght © 2017 oxford university feature is available to subscribers in or create an pdf is available to subscribers article abstract & purchase full access to this pdf, sign in to an existing account, or purchase an annual ncbi web site requires javascript to tionresourceshow toabout ncbi accesskeysmy ncbisign in to ncbisign l listbmc pregnancy childbirthv. Similar to the bivariate analysis, smoking during pregnancy was associated with increased gestational age among black 5multivariable analysis between maternal characteristics, educational variables and gestational age (week) (n = 763). Article | pubreader | epub (beta) | pdf (231k) | american journal of microsite search american journal of the johns hopkins bloomberg school of public ls career ising and corporate -archiving american journal of mobile search als and of teenage pregnancy on educational disabilities in a v.
