Government policies obesity
Directly to directly to a to z directly to directly to page directly to site ight and obesity policy end on c disease state policy tracking database currently contains state-level legislation and regulation pertaining to nutrition, physical activity and obesity. Considers early care and education (ece) an important setting to implement childhood obesity prevention strategies. This policy review is intended to help educate public health practitioners, child care providers, and decision-makers about the current conditions that exist in their state and inform future efforts to prevent obesity in this setting. The report identifies potential actions in ece programs to prevent obesity, provides state-specific child care demographics, and highlights enacted state legislation and current licensing regulation that impact the nutrition and physical activity environments in ece y communities: what local governments can do to reduce and prevent obesity[ppt-8. Presentation, developed for use by local government staff, makes the case for investing in cdc's recommended community strategies and measurements to prevent obesity in the united states. It highlights how local governments can be part of the solution and provides specific examples of policy, systems and environmental approaches to creating healthier communities. Sound policies reassure families, students, and school staff; provide legal protection for schools; and support and direct individuals throughout the school system. Well-drafted and administered policies can also help contain or prevent formats help:how do i view different file formats (pdf, doc, ppt, mpeg) on this site? Powerpoint last reviewed: august 19, last updated: august 19, on of nutrition, physical activity, and obesity, national center for chronic disease prevention and health of policy and government in the obesity l.
Novakfrom the rudd center for food policy and obesity, department of psychology, department of epidemiology and public health, yale university, new haven, this author on google this author on for this author on this d. Brownellfrom the rudd center for food policy and obesity, department of psychology, department of epidemiology and public health, yale university, new haven, this author on google this author on for this author on this eintroductionoptimal and suboptimal defaultsenvironmental contributors to obesitythe us policy response to obesityconclusionssources of fundingdisclosuresreferencesfigures & tablesinfo & yprevention and controlpublic healthpublic 2001, the surgeon general's “call to action to prevent and decrease overweight and obesity”1 identified obesity as a key public health priority for the united states. In the intervening years, several administrations have declared a commitment to deal with the problem, and the food industry has issued numerous pledges for change, yet the prevalence of overweight and obesity has risen further, to 68%. Wide range of government policies and programs have been implemented, including the development of national clinical guidelines, nutrition labeling on packaged foods, education and social marketing efforts, and more recently, calorie labeling on restaurant menus and federal efforts to increase access and financing for fresh fruits and vegetables. However, most of these efforts focus on clinical and educational factors or on community interventions and, until recently, have rarely addressed environmental drivers of obesity. 7 there is growing theoretical and scientific support for policies that intervene on environmental determinants of overeating. As it stands now, the food environment creates a set of defaults that contribute to obesity, in the united states and cost-effectiveness analyses of obesity treatment and prevention strategies suggest that policy interventions to change these defaults are the swiftest and most cost-effective way of creating change. The assessing cost-effectiveness (ace) studies of obesity and of noncommunicable disease prevention identified the 3 most cost-effective policy interventions as a tax on unhealthy foods and beverages, a front-of-pack “traffic light” nutrition labeling system, and a reduction of marketing of unhealthy foods and beverages to children. 15,16 recent reports from the organization for economic cooperation and development also support the idea that regulatory and fiscal policy could reduce obesity by improving defaults for the whole population.
Role of defaults in obesity prevention is presented visually infigure 2, which is adapted from swinburn and colleagues' recent article in the lancet. The triangle along the bottom of the figure represents the hypothesis that policy interventions to change environmental and systemic defaults will have the greatest population effect on obesity but will also be the most politically difficult to 2. Copyright © 2012, the framework presented infigure 2, this article describes the evidence that harmful dietary defaults are a key contributor to obesity and discusses 2 policy interventions that show promise for reducing obesity on a population level: restricting marketing of unhealthy food and beverages to children and taxing unhealthy products (in this case, sugary drinks). These studies suggest that proximity to unhealthy food may be 1 driver of ic features of the food environment also contribute to obesity. At the same time, many schools are cutting funding for physical education; 36% of surveyed kindergarten through 12th grade physical education teachers said that their budgets had been cut between 2006 and gh low rates of physical activity are a major public health concern in their own right, growing evidence suggests that food intake is a more important contributor to obesity than sedentary behavior. There is no doubt that physical activity is an important public health priority, but it is unlikely to be an effective tool for obesity prevention without major shifts in caloric us policy response to al and behavioral policymakers have implemented a wide range of policies and programs to respond to obesity that began in the 1990s and increased after the surgeon general's call to action in 2001. For example, the “clinical guidelines on the identification, evaluation and treatment of overweight and obesity in adults”52 were developed by the national heart, lung and blood institute in 1998. The report by nature focuses almost entirely on therapies for weight loss in individuals, including dietary changes, exercise, pharmacotherapy, and r government program to address obesity is the weight-control information network, established in 1994 as a service of the national institute of diabetes and digestive and kidney diseases. Although the clinical guidelines of the national heart, lung and blood institute are intended for a medical audience, the mission of weight-control information network is to provide evidence-based information about obesity and weight control to the general public and the government policies have moved beyond the collation of clinical information to more proactive social marketing approaches that aim to motivate the population to change their diet and exercise habits.
This program and other social marketing projects such as the “five a day for better health” fruit and vegetable campaign borrow persuasive techniques developed for commercial marketing to augment the appeal of healthy behaviors and increase consumers' self-efficacy about making healthy shifts in gh clinical guidelines, educational programs, and social marketing campaigns are important, they do not address the environmental causes of the obesity epidemic and rely on individuals to prevail over a most challenging environment. Swinburn and colleagues7 describe these types of policies as counteractions, ie, policies that react to environmental drivers of obesity without changing them directly. The intention of the policy to improve defaults is to make healthy choices recent policies indicate a shift toward the defaults approach described above. Evaluations of menu labeling interventions have had mixed results; although it is not clear that menu labeling has a marked impact on the amount of calories ordered, there is some evidence that consumers may consume less later in the initiatives represent important shifts in the us policy approach to obesity, yet many of the most powerful defaults in the food environment such as marketing of unhealthy foods to youth and the prominent availability of sugary drinks have yet to be changed. It is not clear that simply promoting access and consumption of healthy foods (without discouraging consumption of unhealthy foods) will address potentially powerful policies. Great deal of work is occurring on obesity prevention policies, including nutrition policies in schools, policies to encourage consumption of water in lieu of sugared beverages, changes in zoning laws to change the food landscape, and programs to improve the built environment. The revenue generated by a tax would be substantial (eg, $790 million for new york state in 201283) and could be earmarked for further obesity prevention on sugary drinks have been gaining interest across the nation. 100 reuters called the federal trade commission's weakening of the marketing standards a partial victory for the food is likely that reducing obesity will require policy changes that improve the food and physical activity defaults for all americans, not just targeted individuals. Some environmental policies such as physical activity promotion and efforts to improve access to healthy foods are unlikely to meet resistance.
However, recent experience suggests that implementing some of the policies with the greatest potential benefit to public health will be politically work was supported by the rudd foundation and the robert wood johnson foundation. Health and economic burden of the projected obesity trends in the usa and the uk. Assessing cost-effectiveness in obesity (ace-obesity): an overview of the ace approach, economic methods and cost results. A crisis in the marketplace: how food marketing contributes to childhood obesity and what can be done. Dj, ippolito pm, desrochers dm, kelley en's exposure to tv advertising in 1977 and 2004: information for the obesity debate. Increased food energy supply is more than sufficient to explain the us epidemic of obesity. Guidelines on the identification, evaluation and treatment of overweight and obesity in adults: the evidence report. Ta, lin bh, lee caloric sweetened beverages: potential effects on beverage consumption, calorie intake, and obesity. 2010;100:240–lcrossrefpubmedview us articlenext er 6, 2012, volume 126, issue us articlenext eintroductionoptimal and suboptimal defaultsenvironmental contributors to obesitythe us policy response to obesityconclusionssources of fundingdisclosuresreferencesfigures & tablesinfo & of policy and government in the obesity l.
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